It’s nice to see that Republican senators like Lamar Alexander of Tennessee and Mike Crapo of Idaho are talking about breaking ranks
on revenue. But it’s just talk. The actual Republican position as of
this writing submits to $250 billion in semi-phony revenues but seeks to
add $3.7 trillion to the 10-year deficit. And the supercommittee is a
panel that, remember, is charged with reducing the deficit. This is more
politics by hostage-taking, just like during the debt-ceiling fiasco.
So what do I mean when I say
they want to add $3.7 trillion to the deficit? I mean that they want to
make the Bush tax cuts permanent. The cost of the Bush tax cuts over the
next 10 years comes to $3.7 trillion.
They’ve said to the Democrats, in other words, that they will agree to
minor revenue increases now, but only on the firm condition that the
Democrats accept depleting the Treasury by 15 times as much over the
next decade. What sort of idiot would take that deal? It’s not a deal at
all. It’s hostage-taking, no different in spirit from the kidnapper who
feeds you well for a few days but then takes the money and shoots you
anyway.
This is way the Republicans play politics
these days. Attach the debt-ceiling vote to completely unprecedented
demands for spending cuts. Subject the debt-ceiling vote to cloture
rules so that raising the limit requires 60 votes instead of 51—for the
first time in the history of the Senate, since it began raising the debt
limit during World War II. And now, agree to revenue increases, as long
as you can force the other guys to agree to revenue cuts that you know
and they know would cripple their party’s priorities and program for the
country.
And about these revenues: they’re
arrived at mainly by taking away deductions used by working- and
middle-class taxpayers in order to pay for huge tax cuts for You Know Who.
Under this plan, from Republican Senator Pat Toomey, households earning
all the way up to $200,000 would actually see small tax increases,
according to Joint Committee on Taxation estimates.
Households from $200,000 to $500,000 would average a small cut, less
than $2,000. Households from half a million to a million would enjoy an
average cut of $13,301. And above a million, $31,764.
The Joint Committee reckons that to
achieve the income-tax rate cuts the plan seeks, which go even beyond
the Bush rates (especially for… yes, You Know Who), deductions like the
one for home-mortgage interest would have to be cut by 75 percent.
Hence, overall taxes go up on those below $200,000. And that, folks, is
the Republican idea of “revenue.”
Republicans in the House and Senate
are signing bipartisan letters saying they’re open to tax increases. Of
course these letters never say which tax increases. That’s left vague
precisely so some Republicans will sign. But the second that Emanuel
Cleaver, the Missouri Democrat at the center of trying to arrange these
bipartisan deals, pencils in one actual concrete tax increase, the
Republicans will hear about it from Grover Norquist and their local Tea
Party chapters, who’ll remind them of this very attractive and
bull-headed right-wing fellow back home who just the other day was
talking about how fun it would be to run for Congress...
These letters don’t mean anything.
Alexander’s good intentions—and I believe he has them; he is a
conservative but a reasonable human being who genuinely is troubled, I’m
told, by the toxic atmosphere in his workplace—mean close to nothing.
And there’s a specific reason why.
This morning on NPR, Andrea Seabrook reported
that the Republicans on the supercommittee are “saying that they are
going to vote en bloc.” So there you have it. Now ask yourself: If they
are going to vote as one, do you think six Republicans are going to vote
for meaningful revenue increases? Or are they possibly a little more
likely to vote en bloc against any tax increases? The former is
possible, I suppose. And the State College Rotary Club could give its
Man of the Year award to Jerry Sandusky.
If Seabrook is correct, and there’s
no reason to think she isn’t, there is no point to any of this. The
committee consists of 12 members, six from each party. A simple majority
vote can approve a plan. So, if one Republican took a Lamar Alexander
pill the morning of the vote, you just might get a 7-5 tally for a
compromise plan. But the en bloc posture makes that impossible. Such a
posture makes democracy impossible.
The Republicans don’t want democracy. They just want the White House.
The
Republicans don’t want democracy. They just want the White House.
Everything they do is about that (except the actions and statements of
their actual candidates, which are so inept or extreme as to indicate
that those particular eight don’t really want the job at all). If the
Republicans compromise here, if one Republican on the supercommittee
breaks ranks, that whole strategy—the Mitch McConnell,
one-term-president strategy—is dead. Obama has spent nearly three years
saying he wants to bring both sides together, so if both sides do come
together, it’s a huge political victory for him, and the Republicans
know this and must deny it to him.
It’s true
that John Boehner doesn’t want to let Obama run against a do-nothing
Congress. The slim shaft of light that exists in this process emanates
from that fact. But Boehner is outnumbered, and yes, that’s Eric Cantor
you see up there, covering up that little shaft of light with a big
rock. The GOP is a party of hostage-takers now in its DNA. The Democrats
should have learned last summer that you lose when you negotiate with
that sort.
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Newsweek/Daily Beast special correspondent Michael Tomasky is also editor of Democracy: A Journal of Ideas.
For inquiries, please contact The Daily Beast at editorial@thedailybeast.com.
Newsweek/Daily Beast special correspondent Michael Tomasky is also editor of Democracy: A Journal of Ideas.
For inquiries, please contact The Daily Beast at editorial@thedailybeast.com.
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