My last few months [in office] did
not go quietly or without consequence. They even brought historic
moments—none more so than my much anticipated visit to Libya to meet
with Colonel Muammar Qaddafi. When the Libyans gave up their weapons of
mass destruction in 2003, there was a clear diplomatic quid pro quo: in
exchange, we’d help them to return to good standing in the international
community. But it would not be easy and not only because of Qaddafi’s long record of brutality.
Libya had arrested five Bulgarian
nurses and a Palestinian doctor several years before on trumped-up
charges that they had deliberately infected more than four hundred
Libyan children with HIV. The medics insisted that they were innocent,
but the Libyan courts had sentenced the group to death. The United
States repeatedly urged Libya to find a way to release them, and I was
grateful for the dedication and leadership of European Commissioner for
External Relations Benita Ferrero-Waldner on the issue. Libya’s decision
in 2007 to commute the sentences and allow the medics to return home
was due in large part to Benita’s resolve.
We had to make sure, too,
that we were sufficiently attentive to the sensitivities and needs of
the families of the victims of the colonel’s decades-long reign of
terror. I withheld my visit until we could secure a Libyan claims
settlement for families whose relatives had been killed in attacks such
as the bombing by Libyan agents of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie,
Scotland, in 1988.
My upcoming trip gave me powerful leverage in these negotiations because Qaddafi desperately wanted me to visit Tripoli.
My upcoming trip gave me powerful leverage in these negotiations because Qaddafi desperately wanted me to visit Tripoli.
There were two reasons for this:
one traditional and the other, well, a little disconcerting. Obviously,
the first visit by a U.S. secretary of state since 1953 would be a major
milestone on the country’s path to inter- national acceptability. But
Qaddafi also had a slightly eerie fascination with me personally, asking visitors why his “African princess” wouldn’t visit him.
I decided to ignore the latter and
dwell on the former to prepare for the trip. The arrangements were not
easy, with all manner of Libyan demands, including that I meet the
leader in his tent. Needless to say, I declined the invitation and met
him in his formal residence.
Stopping first in Portugal and
staying with my friends Ambassador Thomas Stephenson and his wife,
Barbara, I took advantage of Foreign Minister Luis Amado’s knowledge of
Libya and Qaddafi. He suggested that I open the conversation with a
discussion of Africa. “And don’t be surprised when he says something
crazy,” he cautioned. “He’ll get back on track.”
When I arrived in Tripoli, I was
asked to wait at one of the only Western-style hotels in the city. There
was no doubt that the capital had once been a beautiful place, but it
appeared run-down and tired. The only bright lights seemed to be those
illuminating the many, many billboards of Qaddafi and his
“inspirational” sayings. In speaking with Libyans, a distinct
generational divide manifested itself. While the senior staff spoke
English fluently and reminded me of my European colleagues, younger
officials appeared to have had fewer educational opportunities and
little contact with the West. It was another reminder of the sad
consequences of Qaddafi’s monstrous rule.
After several hours, we were
summoned to the residence, where I greeted the Libyan leader and sat
down to hundreds of camera flashes. Qaddafi said a few completely
appropriate words, as did I, and the press left. We began the
conversation as Amado had suggested, talking about Africa in general and
Sudan in particular. Libya, he promised, would help with alternative
routes for humanitarian supplies to the refugees. This is going pretty well, I thought. He doesn’t seem crazy. Then,
as Amado had predicted, he suddenly stopped speaking and began rolling
his head back and forth. “Tell President Bush to stop talking about a
two-state solution for Israel and Palestine!” he barked. “It should be
one state! Israeltine!” Perhaps he didn’t like what I said next. In a
sudden fit, he fired two translators in the room. Okay, I thought, this is Qaddafi.

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