Is the National Security Complex Too Big to Fail?
TARPing War
By
Tom Engelhardt
Think of Iraq as the AIG of wars -- the only difference being that the bailout there didn’t involve just
three payouts.
More than eight years after the Bush administration invaded that
country, the bailout is, unbelievably enough, still going. Even as the
U.S. military withdraws, the State Department is
planning to spend
billions more in taxpayer dollars to field an army of hired-gun
contractors to replace it. Afghanistan? It could have been the Lehman
Brothers of conflicts, but when Barack Obama entered the Oval Office he
chose the
Citigroup model instead, and surged troops in twice in 2009. In other words, he double-
TARPed that war, and ever since, the bailout money has been flooding in.
Until now -- as the Occupy Wall Street demonstrations make clear --
“too big to fail” has meant only one set of institutions: the plundering
financial outfits that played such a role in driving the U.S. economy
off a cliff in 2008, looked like they might themselves collapse in a
heap of bad deals and indebtedness, and were bailed out by Washington.
Isn’t it finally time to expand the too-big-to-fail category to include
the Pentagon, the
U.S. Intelligence Community, and more generally the National Security Complex?
There is, of course, one major difference between those bailed-out
financial institutions and the Complex: however powerful the banks may
be, however much money financial outfits and Wall Street
sink into K-Street lobbyists and the
election campaigns of politicians, however much influence the
U.S. Chamber of Commerce
may wield, when too-big-to-fail financial institutions totter, they
have to come to the federal government hat (and future bonuses) in hand.
For the Pentagon and the National Security Complex, it’s quite
another matter. These days it’s only a slight exaggeration to claim
that they are Washington and that their very size, influence, and power protects them from the consequences of failure.
In the last decade, as “the troops” became sacrosanct, the secular equivalent of
religious icons,
they also helped ensure that no Congress could afford not to pour money
into the Pentagon. (Pay no attention to the much-touted $450 billion
that institution is expected to trim over the next ten years. That sum
will largely come from “cuts” in
future projected growth and anything more will be
strongly resisted.)
In that same decade -- thanks largely to two hijacked planes that
damaged New York beyond al-Qaeda’s wildest dreams -- “American safety”
(narrowly defined as “from terrorists”) became the mantra of the
moment. Soon enough, it was the explanation of choice for any
expenditure: the latest drones, surveillance equipment, high-tech motion
sensors, or peeping-Tom technology at airports.
“The troops” translated into a get-out-of-jail-free card for the
Pentagon, and it worked like a charm. In the three years since the
economy melted down, when so much that mattered to most Americans was
being cut back or deep-sixed, that budget was still merrily expanding.
In the meantime, there were those constant
infusions of fear for “American safety,” helped along by terror plots generally
too inept
to do the slightest damage. All this ensured that an already massive
crew of intelligence outfits would morph into a labyrinthine bureaucracy
of stupefying proportions.
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