a été condamné à un an de prison avec sursis et à une amende d'un million de francs CFA (1.500 euros) pour “diffamation”, pour avoir rapporté une pétition contre le régime du président Idriss Déby.
[He] was given a one-year suspended prison sentence and a fine of one million CFA francs (1,500 euros) for “defamation” for having covered a petition against the administration of President Idriss Déby.Redistribution of oil profits in question
Les grévistes réclament le respect par le gouvernement des engagements pris par le Président de la République au début de l'année pour mettre fin à la grogne sociale. Aucune solution n'est en vue. [..] La gestion des ressources du pétrole n'est pas transparente alors même que les champs exploités gagnent du terrain. La nation ne sait pas combien rapporte cette ressource au pays, depuis 10 ans l'Assemblée Nationale n'a pas reçu de loi de règlements. [..] Alors que l'Etat doit avoir la maîtrise de toutes ses ressources pour faire face à tous ses engagements (dettes, salaires, dépenses de santé et d'éducation, etc.), ces ressources sont privatisées, détournées au profit de la famille et du clan.
The strikers are demanding the government respect commitments made by the President of the Republic at the start of the year to quell the social unrest. There is no solution in sight. […] The management of oil resources is not transparent, even though the scope of the drilling is expanding. The nation does not know how to profit from its natural resources; in ten years, the National Assembly has not passed a law regulating their use. […] While the State must have control over its resources in order to fulfill its obligations (debts, salaries, health and education spending, etc.), these resources have been privatized, diverting profits to family and clan.Freedom of expression weakened
Le 18 septembre 2012, la Chambre correctionnelle de citation directe du Tribunal de première instance de N’Djamena a condamné MM. Djondang, Barka et Mahadjir à 18 mois de prison avec sursis et une amende de 1,5 millions de francs CFA (environ 2 290 euros) pour « incitation à la haine ethnique ». Cette condamnation fait suite à une pétition de l’UST datée du 1er septembre 2012 qui protestait notamment contre « la cherté de la vie » et « la paupérisation de la population » [..] Le 5 septembre 2012, le Bureau exécutif de l’UST a reçu une convocation écrite du procureur de la République et relative à la pétition mentionnée précédemment. Ils ont été auditionnés par la police puis par le procureur de la République le 10 septembre. l’UST est à l’initiative d’une grève réclamant l’application d’un décret promulgué en novembre 2011 suite à un protocole d’accord portant sur les grilles salariales dans le secteur public.
On September 18, 2012, the criminal section of the Tribunal of the First Instance of N’Djamena sentenced Djondang, Barka and Mahadjir to 18-month suspended prison sentences and fines of 1.5 million CFA francs (about 2,290 euros) for “inciting racial hatred.” This sentence follows a UST petition, dated September 1, that protests against “the high cost of living” and “the impoverishment of the population” […] On September 5, the UST executive board received a summons from the State’s Attorney relating to the aforementioned petition. On September 10, they gave a statement to the police and then to the State’s attorney. The UST initiated a strike demanding the application of an order given in November 2011 following a memorandum of understanding on public sector salary levels.The reactions to the union officials’ sentencing were heated. Benoit Bemadji reports:
Me l'avocate Delphine Kemneloum Djiraïbé [affirme que]: « C’est une parodie de justice et nous ne pouvons pas prendre part à un tel procès. C’est pour cela que nous avons quitté la salle. La déclaration du Procureur discrédite même les magistrats et c’est une honte pour notre justice». [..] Pour avoir éclaté de rire après le verdict, M. Mbaïlaou Gustave a été séance tenante arrêté dans la salle pour être jugé et condamné à trois mois de prison ferme pour [outrage à Magistrat].
Lawyer Delphine Kemneloum Djiraibe [affirms]: “This is a parody of justice, and we cannot take part in such a process. That is why we left the room. The prosecutor’s declaration discredits even the judges and it is a shame for our justice.” […] For having erupted in laughter after the verdict, Mr. Mbailaou Gustave was immediately arrested inside the courtroom and was condemned to three months in prison for contempt.Reporters Without Borders also was concerned with the hasty trial:
Le mauvais climat entre le pouvoir et la presse franchit une nouvelle étape avec ce verdict. Interrogé par Reporters sans frontières, un journaliste tchadien ayant assisté à l’audience a affirmé : “C’était un procès expéditif. Le procureur n’a pas prouvé la diffamation. Les avocats de la défense ont quitté la salle en signe de protestation. Ce procès ressemble à un règlement de compte
The tension between the government and the press reached a new stage with this verdict. Interviewed by Reporters Without Borders, a Chadian journalist who attended the hearing said, “It was a quick trial. The prosecutor didn’t prove defamation. The defense attorneys left the room as a sign of protest. This trial resembles a settling of scores.
La campagne militaire menée dans le bush du grand Sud contre les Dahalo au mois de juin et juillet 2012 avait été un désastre. Outre l’avantage du terrain, ces derniers étaient aussi bien équipés que les forces de l’ordre, et le manque d’hélicos s’était fait cruellement ressentir. Les militaires se sont surtout fait remarquer, non pour leurs prouesses au combat mais pour leurs exactions, en brûlant les villages susceptibles de servir de base de soutien aux Dahalo.
The military campaign carried out against the dahalo in the bush of the great south in June and July 2012 was a disaster. Not only were they more familiar with the local terrain, the dahalo were also just as well equipped as the government forces – and the lack of helicopters was sorely felt by the latter. The government forces were especially noted not for their combat ability but for their atrocities, when they burnt villages that could serve as support bases for the dahalo.Faced with the inability of government forces to curb the actions of dahalos, villagers in southern Madagascar have decided to take justice into their own hands. Recently, a group of villagers killed 67 people that they suspected of being involved in the cattle thefts.
Il ne se passe pas une semaine sans que les journaux ne relatent des faits de violences dans la capitale Antananarivo. Toutes les couches de la population, des plus aisées aux plus modestes, sont victimes de ce fléau. Meurtres, agressions, vols à mains armés sont monnaie courante depuis trois ans, date de l’éclatement de la crise politique.
A week does not go by without more stories, in newspapers, about violence in the capital, Antananarivo. All segments of the population, from the most to the least privileged, are victims of this scourge. Murder, assault, armed robbery have been commonplace in the last three years.So what answers might there be to this instability? Andry Rajoelina, President of the Transitional Authority since Madagascar’s former president was ousted in 2009, has made claims that the daholo problem in the south is an orchestrated attempt at political destabilization [fr]. Meanwhile, Mathieu Pellerin, a researcher at the French Institute for International Relations, believes that financial incentives take precedence over political interests:
While possession of a zebu is traditionally synonymous with power, zebu theft by politician-sponsored organized gangs is motivated by pecuniary interests arising from the resale and export of cattle.
This
post and its translations to Spanish, Arabic and French were
commissioned by the International Security Network (ISN) as part of a
partnership to seek out citizen voices on international relations and
security issues worldwide. This post was first published on the ISN blog, see similar stories here.
for the ones who enjoy writing, that problem is not an issue. Writing is an act of mourning and of memory healing; a soul cure has many more advantages than a vanity parade on Facebook. I see this media as a big catwalk…
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Governor Romney has consistently supported enhanced interrogation techniques. Governor Romney is also on record as stating that he does not believe it is wise for him, as a presidential candidate, to describe precisely which techniques he would use in interrogating detainees. The combination of these two positions, as well as the information presented above, leads to two principal options in this area for his campaign.Mitt is pro-torture. We knew that, and he hasn’t hidden that fact.
The first option is that Governor Romney could pledge that upon taking office, he will rescind and replace President Obama’ s Executive Order restricting government interrogators to the Army Field Manual. Consistent with the authority reserved for the President under the Military Commissions Act, he could commit his Administration to authorizing (classified) enhanced interrogation techniques against high-value detainees that are safe, legal, and effective in generating intelligence to save American lives. But because President Obama’s release of the OLC memos has reduced the number of available techniques that meet these criteria, Governor Romney should not commit in advance to a timetable for implementing this plan; it may well take time to identify potential techniques and analyze their effectiveness and legality.
[snip]
The Subcommittee recommends the first option. Governor Romney has recognized for years that the sounder policy outcome is the revival of the enhanced interrogation program. And a reluctance by the Governor to expressly endorse such an outcome during the campaign could become a self-fulfilling prophecy once he takes office by signaling to the bureaucracy that this is not a deeply-felt priority . [my emphasis]
The list also included Michael Chertoff, the former homeland security secretary; Cully Stimson, the Pentagon’s detainee policy chief; and many other Bush-era executive branch veterans: Bradford Berenson, Elliot S. Berke, Todd F. Braunstein, Gus P. Coldebella, Jimmy Gurule, Richard D. Klingler, Ramon Martinez, Brent J. McIntosh, John C. O’Quinn, John J. Sullivan, Michael Sullivan and Alex Wong. Three others — Lee A. Casey, Maureen E. Mahoney and David B. Rivkin Jr. — served in earlier Republican administrations.First, note where Savage starts this list: Michael Chertoff, who as Criminal Division head in 2002 refused to give Bush’s torturers an advance declination on prosecution. That refusal ultimately led to the contorted form of the original Yoo memos authorizing torture. If Chertoff supports this policy (Savage’s caveat noted), then it’s a pretty clear indication that Chertoff was cautious in 2002 because people like Ali Soufan were running around saying mock burial was torture, and not because he had any qualms about torture himself. That’s not surprising in the least, but still worth noting.
Poderopedia's team will collect and verify data from an array of sources, including news sites, public databases and information disclosed by other companies and institutions. They’ll use the Poderopedia platform to analyze and find patterns in the information, and display the results visually.
debater temas relacionados ao direito à comunicação, a produção de conteúdo pela população, ao protagonismo da sociedade no processo comunicacional e a todos os elementos que compõem a mídia cidadã. Além do debate, o encontro busca promover o diálogo e o intercâmbio entre as pesquisas acadêmicas e as experiências inovadoras da sociedade civil de produção de mídia que enfatizem uma prática cidadã.
Filmes para cegos ou deficientes visuais? Tal expressão pode causar, no mínimo, estranheza a quem nunca ouviu falar da audiodescrição em cinema, recurso que permite a tradução verbal de cenários e aspectos visuais dos filmes, o que propicia levar a experiência da sétima arte a todo um segmento da população portadora daquela deficiência.
Lo cierto es que la dejación de las armas de las FARC es una condición para la paz pero no la única, pues existen actores asociados a la criminalidad organizada que siguen ejerciendo la violencia, que pueden incluso surgir luego de la eventual desmovilización de las FARC, como se demostró tras la desmovilización de los paramilitares. En Colombia solemos llamar a estos nuevos actores ‘bacrim’ “bandas criminales al servicio del narcotráfico, los ejércitos de los carteles mafiosos.
The truth is that FARC's abandonment of arms is one, but not the only condition for peace, because there are other actors associated with organised crime who will still engage in violence, some who may even emerge after the eventual FARC demobilisation, as it was shown after the demobilisation of the paramilitaries. In Colombia we call these new actors ‘bacrim', criminal bands servicing drug trafficking, the armies of mafia cartels.Government in the lead?
Una buena noticia es que el equipo de negociación que nombró el gobierno es un equipo de negociación de lujo. Nada diferente se puede decir de Villegas, Pearl, o de Mora, para nombrar solo tres de las personas que estarán permanentemente en la mesa. También me parece importante recalcar el hecho de que la decisión de no decretar un cese al fuego le conviene al gobierno, pues el gobierno lleva la delantera en la guerra, así las FARC hayan incrementado sus ataques contra la población civil últimamente.
On piece of good news is that the negotiation team appointed by the government is first class. Nothing different could be said about [Luis Carlos] Villegas, [Frank] Pearl, or [retired Army general Jorge Enrique] Mora, three of the people who will be permanently seated at the table. I also find it important to highlight the fact that the decision not to declare a ceasefire is convenient for the government, because it is leading in the war, regardless that FARC lately have increased their attacks against civilians.On the blog Tras la Cola de la Rata, Juana Galeano says [es] the inclusion of the military in the process is brilliant:
Hay que admitirlo, la inclusión de miembros del Ejército como negociadores es una jugada maestra. Incluir a los militares, darles voz, los coacciona e impide que torpedeen el proceso más adelante.
I have to admit it: including members of the Army as negotiators is a masterstroke. Including them, giving them voice, co-opts them and prevents them from sabotaging the process later on.Most Colombians seem to support the peace process with caution. According to polls 77% favour the talks, but 72% oppose an eventual participation of FARC in politics, and 78% do not approve an amnesty with no jail terms for guerrilla commanders.
This
post and its translations to Spanish, Arabic and French were
commissioned by the International Security Network (ISN) as part of a
partnership to seek out citizen voices on international relations and
security issues worldwide. This post was first published on the ISN blog, see similar stories here.
In a country as vulnerable to natural disasters as Guatemala, a “state of public calamity” is frequently declared – to the joy of contractors, which find a good opportunity to line their pockets.
El problema matriz es que la C P [Conoco Phillips] es una aplanadora ambiental con patente de corso otorgado por el TLC [tratado de libre comercio] con EEUU en el sentido que, como ya les ha sido entregadas las concesiones, con los términos de referencia de un plan de operaciones aprobado por el gobierno peruano (a pesar que tiene varios agujeros serios bajo la línea de flotación ambiental, por los cuales la Historia debería castigar cuando menos moralmente a los responsables), este consorcio petrolero está “blindado” por dicho TLC para ejecutar, sí o sí, sus planes, a cualquier costo, sin que nadie del gobierno se les oponga, bajo penalidad legal vigente del instrumento binacional.
The key issue is that C P [Conoco Phillips] is an environmental steamroller given carte blanche by the FTA [Free Trade Agreement] with the United States in the sense that, as they have already been awarded concessions, with the reference terms of an operations plan approved by the Peruvian government (despite the many serious holes under the environmental waterline that History should punish or at least hold morally accountable), this oil consortium is “protected” by the FTA to execute, no matter what, its plans, at whatever cost, without anyone from the government opposing them, under the current legal penalty of the binational instrument.
El tema ha sido un tabú político desde que el extractor de EE.UU. ConocoPhillips, sigilosamente se trasladó a la región dos años atrás, a pesar de las leyes del Gobierno Regional de Loreto que prohíben la producción industrial en la naciente del río Nanay.
A pesar de las leyes, el gobierno ha sido complaciente con ConocoPhillips en todo momento desde el 2010. Informantes señalan que una orden de silencio del gobierno y medios de comunicación locales venidos a menos han mantenido el trato fuera del radar público hasta principios de este año.
The issue has been a political taboo since the United States extractor ConocoPhillips stealthily moved into the region two years ago, despite laws of the Loreto's Regional Government that prohibit industrial activity at the mouth of the Nanay River.With respect to legal efforts by the Comité del Agua (Water Committee) of Iquitos intended to force the publication of impact studies, he adds:
Despite these laws, the government has been entirely complacent with ConocoPhillips since 2010. Informants point out that a gag order from the government and the run-down local media have kept this agreement outside of the public radar until the beginning of this year.
Los resultados se mostrarán siempre y cuando los funcionarios de ConocoPhillips crean que han encontrado petróleo y finalmente presentarán el alcance del proyecto a expertos, activistas y al público en general - algo que el Gobierno regional ha estado desesperadamente, pero al parecer ilegalmente, tratando de evitar.
The results will only be shown if ConocoPhillips' employees believe they have found oil and will finally present the reach of their project to experts, activists and to the general public - something that the regional Government has been desperately, however seemingly through illegal means, trying to avoid.It is not only the Regional Government that has an arguable role in these events; according [es] to the weekly publication La Verdad (The Truth) from Iquitos, it is laughable that the Management Committee of the affected area is presided over by “Perúpetro (who gave the concession) and has a Conoco Phillips representative as vice president.”
Ávido por conversar, se le agolpan los temas entre las palabras. Puede comenzar hablando del Sol, por ejemplo, y termina hablando sobre Yoga, disciplina que además enseña en el penal. Una charla con él es equivalente a visitar alguna biblioteca, tras la cual uno termina con una lista de bibliografía pendiente por leer. Su última recomendación fue el cubano Joaquín María Machado de Assis.
Eager to talk, topics rush between his words. He can start talking about the sun, for example, and he might end up talking about yoga, a discipline that he teaches in prison. A conversation with him is equivalent to visiting a library, after which you end up with a list of outstanding literature for reading. His final recommendation was the Cuban Joaquin Maria Machado de Assis.
Desde la cárcel, Enrique Aranda ha sido tres veces Premio Nacional de Poesía “Salvador Díaz Mirón” (1998, 2001 y 2008), otorgado por Conaculta-INBA. También obtuvo dos veces (2003 y 2008) el Premio Nacional de Cuento José Revueltas, otorgado por las mismas instituciones. El reconocimiento más reciente le fue concedido por el INBA en el concurso “México lee 2011”, que se otorga por fomento a la lectura, por el club de lectura que impulso dentro de la cárcel. Fue el Instituto de Cultura de la Ciudad de México, hoy Secretaría de Cultura, quien le proporcionó los cerca de 800 libros: “Cuando les llamé, primero creyeron que era un funcionario. Cuando les dije que era un preso se emocionaron”, dice. La misión con este proyecto era darles a los internos “el boleto para un tour por el anhelado mundo exterior”.
Right from prison, Enrique Aranda has been awarded the National Poetry Prize “Salvador Diaz Miron” (1998, 2001 and 2008) by Conaculta-INBA three times. He also won the National Short Story Prize José Revueltas, awarded by those institutions, twice (2003 and 2008). The most recent recognition was granted by the INBA in the “Mexico lee 2011″ contest, which awards the promotion of reading, for the book club he created inside the jail. It was the Cultural Institute of Mexico City, now Ministry of Culture, who provided nearly 800 books [for the club]: “When I called them, at first thought it was an official. When I told them I was a prisoner they were excited”, he says. The mission of this project was to give inmates “a ticket for a tour of the outside world they longed for.”The website of Mexican magazine Proceso [es] published an article on his case where they mention the irregularities of his indictment for kidnapping:
Enrique sospechó siempre que su detención se debió a sus actividades políticas en distintos foros públicos, por solidarizarse con causas sociales, como la zapatista, y por participar como activista contra el Tratado de Libre Comercio. El caso también fue denunciado por Amnistía Internacional en su informe de 2003: Juicios injustos: tortura en la administración de justicia (Índice AI: AMR 41/007/2003/); el presidente del PEN Club, Eugene Schoulgin, los visitó en 2006; también Lawyer’s Committee for Human Rights los defiende, y la Comisión de Derechos Humanos del Distrito Federal emitió la recomendación 12/02 por tortura y violación a sus garantías jurídicas.
Enrique always suspected that his arrest was due to his political activities in public forums, for his solidarity with social causes, such as the zapatista cause, and for participating as an activist against NAFTA. The case was also reported by Amnesty International in its 2003 report: Unfair trials: torture in the administration of justice (AI Index: AMR 41/007/2003/), the president of the PEN Club, Eugene Schoulgin, visited him in 2006; also the Lawyer's Committee for Human Rights defends them, and the Human Rights Commission of the Federal District (Mexico City) issued a Recommendation 12/02 due to torture and violation of his legal guarantees.Enrique Aranda Ochoa plans to take his case to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.
Mientras Ortiz [presentador del programa] fabricaba el siguiente episodio de El Valor de la Verdad, Ruth Thalía estaba muerta y precariamente enterrada por su asesino en Jicamarca [en las afueras de Lima].
La mayoría de quienes comentan el tema señalan la responsabilidad de Frecuencia Latina, del programa El Valor de la Verdad y del conductor del programa.
[…]
La razón por la cual existe el femicidio [sic] pero no está tipificado el homicidio de hombres, la razón por la cual nuestra sociedad comprende que hay femicidio [sic] pero no persigue como casos especiales el homicidio de zurdos o personas que pasen del metro noventa, es que no hay nada en la estructura de la sociedad que propicie el asesinato de hombres zurdos o de personas que pasen del metro noventa, pero sí hay algo en la estructura de nuestra sociedad que propicia el asesinato de mujeres.
While [TV show host Beto] Ortiz was putting together the next episode of El Valor de la Verdad, Ruth Thalía was already dead and precariously buried by her killer in Jicamarca [in the outskirts of Lima].Meanwhile, the group blog De la Selva Su Web On reflects on Peruvian society and the media [es]:
Most of the people who comment on the topic point to the responsibility of [TV network] Frecuencia Latina, of the show and the show’s host.
[…]
The reason why there is gender violence crimes against women, but male homicide is not categorized as crime, the reason our society understands there is gender violence crimes against women but doesn’t criminalize as special cases the homicides of left-handed men or men over 1.90 mt, is because there is nothing in the structure of society that encourages the murder of left-handed men or of men over 1.90 m, but there is something in the structure of our society that encourages the homicide of women.
Al margen de criticar o poner como culpable al programa de TV, lo que me preocupa es la salud mental de la población peruana. Creo que en nuestra mayoría no estamos acostumbrados a conocer la verdad, o casi nunca aceptamos la verdad y preferimos engañarnos. Una mentira desvalorizada es más valiosa que una verdad dura.
Es cierto que el Tv se ha convertido en una herramienta nociva para la conciencia colectiva del país, pues aparte de destruir las culturas locales, embrutece a las nuevas generaciones […].
La prensa peruana sólo zombifica la sociedad.
Besides criticizing or blaming a TV show, what troubles me is the mental health of the Peruvian population. I think most of us are not used to knowing the truth, or we almost never accept the truth and rather be fooled. A devalued lie is more valuable than a hard truth.Twitter users shared their opinions using the hashtags #ruthsayas [es] and #EVDLV [es, for the name of the show]:
Certainly, TV has become a damaging tool for the country’s collective conscience, because aside from destroying local cultures, it stupefies the younger generations […].
Peruvian press just zombifies society.
@PlanetaFiorella: Creo que la única VERDAD es q @malditaternura guardó un frío silencio ante la desaparición d #ruthsayas y la MENTIRA es q la tv es solidaria
@PlanetaFiorella: I think the only TRUTH is that @malditaternura [TV show host Beto Ortiz] kept cold silence about #ruthsayas‘ disappearance and the LIE is that TV is supportiveRaquel Chávez R. (@RaquelChavezR) [es] separates the crime from the TV show, using legal terminology:
@RaquelChavezR: hay conductas moralmente sancionables, pero no por ello justiciables. No veo relación jurídica entre #EVDL y el homicidio de #RuthSayas
@RaquelChavezR: There are morally punishable behaviors, but not necessarily justifiable. I don’t see a legal relation between #EVDL [the show] and the homicide of #RuthSayasMeanwhile, journalist Patricia del Río (@padelriol) [es] indirectly addresses some colleagues:
@padelriol: Lo peor que le podría pasar a la memoria de Ruth Sayas es que su muerte sea el pretexto para una ombliguista guerrita entre periodistas
@padelriol: Worst case scenario for Ruth Sayas' memory is that her death become the pretext for a selfish little war between journalists.User Csar™ (@Ccsarr) asks [es]:
@Ccsarr: cuando durará este caso #RuthSayas ???? simple hasta q salga otro pior [sic]
@Ccsarr: How long will the case of #RuthSayas last???? Simple, until something even worse surfaces.Finally, columnist El Búho (The Owl) [es] reflects:
Que de esta tragedia se saque conclusiones positivas, sobre todo para las jovencitas que no les importa degradarse y avergonzar a la familia, haciendo lo que sea con tal de ganar dinero fácil. Yo me saco el sombrero al ver a chicas […] que estudian y trabajan a la vez. Por 600 o 700 soles mensuales.
Esos son ejemplos de una juventud con afán de superación, que luchan decentemente por alcanzar logros en la vida. Esos ejemplos se deben promover. No todo puede ser escándalo y miseria en nuestra televisión. Apago el televisor.
May we all come to positive conclusions after this tragedy, above all for those young ladies who don’t care about degrading themselves and embarrassing their families, doing whatever it takes to earn easy money. I applaud those young girls […] who study and work at the same time. For 600 o 700 Peruvian soles [about US$230-270] per month.There are several Facebook pages dedicated to the memory of Ruth Thalia, such as Justice for Ruth Thalía [es] and Ruth Thalia Sayas Sancez RIP [es].
These are examples of a youth full of desire for self-improvement who strive decently to accomplish things in life. Those are the examples we must encourage. Not everything has to be scandal and misery on our TV. I turn the TV off.
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| Peruvian
netizens were shocked by the murder of 19-year-old Ruth Thalia Sayas
Sanchez, a young Peruvian woman who participated in the newly launched
reality show 'The value of truth' (El valor de la verdad). Her
ex-boyfriend and two others kidnapped and later killed her for money
after she had won 15,000 Peruvian soles (about US$5,700) on the show. |
